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Introduction by Donald Trump
Ladies and gentlemen, we are here because the future of Gaza matters — not only for Palestinians and Israelis, but for the entire world. For too long, this conflict has been endless — rockets, bombs, death, destruction, and then the same thing again. It has to stop.
I’ve said it before: you don’t get peace with weakness, you get peace with strength. That means security first. Hamas cannot keep its weapons, because weapons lead to war. But I also know the people of Gaza deserve a chance — a real chance — at life, dignity, jobs, schools, and safety. We’re talking about rebuilding not just buildings, but hope.
This series of conversations brings together many voices — from leaders and strategists, to doctors, aid workers, and civil society. And that’s important. Because peace isn’t just made at a negotiating table — it’s made in homes, schools, markets, and neighborhoods.
My vision is simple: if Gaza chooses peace, investment will flow, opportunities will grow, and children on both sides will live without fear. If Gaza chooses terror, then the world will have no choice but to stop it — and I will lead that effort if necessary. The choice is theirs, and it is historic.
(Note: This is an imaginary conversation, a creative exploration of an idea, and not a real speech or event.)
Topic 1: Security & Disarmament
Moderator: Antonio Guterres (UN Secretary-General)
Opening by Antonio Guterres
The ceasefire has brought both relief and uncertainty. People are asking: can Gaza avoid sliding back into violence, or will history repeat itself? The heart of this question lies in security. Tonight, I ask each of you to face a difficult reality: if Hamas does not disarm, what mechanisms can prevent Gaza from being used for future attacks?
Question 1: If Hamas does not disarm, what other mechanisms can prevent Gaza from being used for future attacks?
Donald Trump
Let me be clear — disarmament is the best option. If Hamas holds onto rockets, tunnels, and weapons, then the whole world knows what happens next: more attacks, more retaliation, and more dead children. But if Hamas refuses, the U.S. and our partners can set up a hard perimeter. I’m talking about advanced surveillance, drones, missile defenses, and yes, an international security force on the border. If they hide weapons again, we will find them, and we will destroy them. Gaza can have peace, but only if terror ends.
Palestinian Civil Society Leader (Dr. Samira Khalil, pediatrician from Gaza City)
President Trump, with respect, security cannot only mean guns and drones. For us, security means mothers not worrying if their children will starve or die under rubble. If Hamas keeps weapons, perhaps international monitors can ensure they are not used — but the deeper solution is giving people dignity. When a child has a school, when a man has a job, when a family has clean water, they do not pick up weapons. Remove despair, and you remove the need for arms.
Israeli Security Strategist (Brig. Gen. Amos Yadin, retired)
Dr. Khalil is right about dignity, but we cannot ignore reality. Hamas has rearmed every time there was a pause. The alternative to disarmament must be enforceable. I propose a phased plan: Hamas hands over heavy weapons first, while Israel and Egypt allow controlled trade. Light arms may be monitored by an international inspection team. If Hamas violates terms, aid stops immediately. Security cannot be based on trust — it must be verified.
Hamas Political Figure (Khaled al-Haddad, senior spokesperson)
This is exactly the problem: all of you speak of disarming Hamas as if Gaza should be defenseless while Israel keeps its army. We will not hand over our weapons while occupation continues. But we are open to a long-term hudna — a truce — if guarantees are strong. That could include international monitors ensuring we do not attack Israel, while also ensuring Israel does not invade Gaza again. Security must be mutual, or there is no security at all.
Humanitarian Leader (Jan Egeland, Secretary General of the Norwegian Refugee Council)
Weapons cannot bring stability — neither rockets nor drones. The only real mechanism is accountability. An international civilian protection mission — not just soldiers, but human rights observers, aid coordinators, conflict mediators — could create a buffer where weapons become irrelevant. If the world invests in protecting people, then Hamas and Israel both will lose the excuse to use arms.
Question 2: What concrete security guarantees do both Israelis and Palestinians need to feel safe after decades of mistrust?
Dr. Samira Khalil
For Palestinians, the guarantee is simple: we must not fear annihilation every few years. That means Israel commits — in writing, with international backing — not to bomb our homes, schools, and hospitals. It means freedom of movement, not permanent blockade. Without those guarantees, people feel they must cling to Hamas as their only defense.
Donald Trump
Israelis need guarantees that rockets won’t fall on their towns. Palestinians need guarantees that bombs won’t fall on theirs. How do you get there? A strong deal, enforced by America. We’ve done it before, we can do it again. If Hamas fires one rocket, they pay a massive price. If Israel breaks the ceasefire without cause, they face consequences too. That’s how you keep both sides honest — strong enforcement, not empty promises.
Khaled al-Haddad
Guarantees must cut both ways. Palestinians need protection from occupation. Israelis need protection from attack. But who will guarantee that? Not the United States alone — it must be a broad international coalition, including Arab states. Only when our neighbors are part of the guarantee will our people believe it is real.
Amos Yadin
From Israel’s perspective, guarantees mean that tunnels and rockets are dismantled and not rebuilt. This requires intrusive inspections. Palestinians may see that as humiliating, but the alternative is endless cycles of war. The guarantee must be: zero tolerance for rearmament, combined with gradual lifting of restrictions if compliance is proven.
Jan Egeland
Guarantees should not only be military. They must also be humanitarian. If Palestinians are guaranteed electricity, water, medicine, and jobs, then the lure of militancy weakens. If Israelis are guaranteed quiet skies and safe borders, then their need for strikes diminishes. Both guarantees must exist together, or neither will hold.
Question 3: Should international forces or monitors be deployed in Gaza, and how can they operate without undermining Palestinian sovereignty?
Amos Yadin
Yes, international forces are essential. Israel cannot be the permanent jailer of Gaza. But monitors must have teeth — not just observers writing reports. They must be able to seize weapons, enforce embargoes, and report violations to a binding international body. Without enforcement, sovereignty becomes chaos.
Khaled al-Haddad
International forces can be acceptable if they come with respect. We reject occupation in disguise. But if Arab and Muslim nations lead the mission, and if their mandate is to protect Palestinians as much as Israelis, then perhaps our people will trust them. Sovereignty is not lost if the mission protects dignity and does not dictate politics.
Donald Trump
I’ll say it straight: monitors are fine, but they’ve failed before. What we need is a strong international force backed by U.S. power. Otherwise, Hamas will just play games. Sovereignty means nothing if terrorists run wild. If Palestinians want sovereignty, they must prove they can live in peace. Until then, international forces are a must.
Dr. Samira Khalil
I understand the arguments, but I ask this: will those international forces listen to the cries of our children, or only to the orders of governments? If they stand at our door to protect us — from Israel and from Hamas — then yes, we need them. But if they come only to impose control, then it is another occupation under a different name.
Jan Egeland
International presence must be civilian-led, not military-dominated. Soldiers can keep guns silent for a while, but only teachers, doctors, and builders can keep peace alive. Monitors should focus on protecting civilians, ensuring aid, and documenting violations by any side. That is how sovereignty is respected — by centering the people, not just the politics.
Closing by Antonio Guterres
What we have heard is sobering. Security is not only the absence of rockets or bombs — it is the presence of dignity, trust, and accountability. Hamas resists disarmament without guarantees, Israel demands verifiable security, and civilians on both sides cry out for protection. Perhaps the path forward lies not in one-sided demands but in a web of mutual guarantees — military, humanitarian, and international. Only together can they hold.
Topic 2: Governance & Leadership
Moderator: Antonio Guterres (UN Secretary-General)
Opening by Antonio Guterres
In Gaza today, the question is not only how to prevent violence but also who should lead. Leadership determines whether aid reaches people, whether schools reopen, whether security stabilizes. So I ask each of you: who should govern Gaza now and in the future?
Question 1: Who should govern Gaza in the next five years — Hamas, the Palestinian Authority, or a transitional body?
Donald Trump
It can’t be Hamas. You don’t put arsonists in charge of the fire department. The Palestinian Authority hasn’t done great either, but at least they’re recognized internationally. I’d like to see a strong transitional authority, backed by Arab neighbors and the U.S., maybe with some Palestinian technocrats running things. That’s the only way to keep Hamas in check and give Gaza a fresh start.
Khaled al-Haddad (Hamas political figure)
President Trump speaks as if Gaza belongs to others to assign. Gaza belongs to Palestinians. Hamas was elected. We cannot be erased simply because the world dislikes our politics. If the people want a transitional arrangement, it must include Hamas, not exclude us. Otherwise it is illegitimate.
Dr. Samira Khalil (Palestinian civil society leader)
Our people are exhausted. We want leaders who serve the people, not use them. Whether Hamas, the PA, or a new council, the test should be: can they feed families, provide medicine, and protect children? I believe a transitional body with representatives from civil society, not only politicians, could restore trust.
Amos Yadin (Israeli strategist)
From Israel’s perspective, Hamas cannot govern. Their rule has meant war after war. The Palestinian Authority, while weak, is at least a partner Israel can talk to. A transitional body may be acceptable, but only if it guarantees Hamas does not control weapons or policy. Otherwise, the cycle continues.
Jan Egeland (humanitarian leader)
The next five years should not be dictated only by politicians or generals. A transitional authority, yes — but one that includes humanitarian actors, civil society leaders, and independent figures. Gaza’s governance must be about protecting people first, not advancing factions.
Question 2: How can leadership in Gaza be chosen in a way that reflects the people’s will and still gains international legitimacy?
Dr. Samira Khalil
Free elections are the answer, but elections under blockade and rubble are meaningless. First, we must create conditions where people can vote safely, with international observers. Then, whoever wins must be respected. Legitimacy must come from ballots, not guns or outside dictates.
Donald Trump
Elections are fine, but only after Hamas is disarmed. Otherwise, it’s like holding a vote with a gun to your head. The world won’t respect that. Legitimacy means you play by global rules: no terror, no rockets, no killing civilians. If Gaza leaders can’t accept that, they won’t be accepted.
Khaled al-Haddad
International legitimacy too often means pleasing Washington or Brussels. True legitimacy comes from our people. If we vote and choose Hamas again, will the world respect it? Or will they punish us? If international respect is conditional on rejecting our choice, then it is not legitimacy, it is coercion.
Amos Yadin
Legitimacy requires both Palestinian consent and international acceptance. Elections supervised by Arab states and the UN could create such legitimacy. But Hamas must accept the rules of politics — not armed militancy. Only then will any elected government be seen as legitimate by Israel and its allies.
Jan Egeland
Legitimacy is fragile when people are hungry and traumatized. To make any election meaningful, the international community must guarantee basic stability first. Food, water, safety. Then, elections can produce a government both people and the world can respect. Otherwise, it risks being an empty ritual.
Question 3: What safeguards can prevent future power grabs or authoritarian control in Gaza’s politics?
Amos Yadin
The safeguard is separation of powers. If Gaza’s rulers control both guns and government, authoritarianism follows. Security forces must be accountable to a neutral oversight body, ideally international. That way no faction can dominate by force.
Khaled al-Haddad
Authoritarian control is not prevented by foreign oversight but by internal unity. If Gaza has a representative council — including Hamas, Fatah, independents, and civil society — no one faction can seize total control. Safeguards must come from within, not imposed from outside.
Donald Trump
Look, the safeguard is simple: strong deals with consequences. If Gaza’s leaders turn authoritarian or violent, they lose aid, lose recognition, and face sanctions. You keep them honest by tying benefits to good behavior. It’s tough love, but it works.
Dr. Samira Khalil
Authoritarianism grows when people are silenced. The safeguard is freedom of speech and community participation. If journalists, doctors, and ordinary citizens can hold leaders accountable without fear, then no one can grab power unchecked.
Jan Egeland
The best safeguard is transparency. Open budgets, independent courts, human rights monitors. Gaza’s governance must be tied to measurable standards — not only for security, but for justice and equality. That is how authoritarianism is restrained.
Closing by Antonio Guterres
What emerges is a deep divide. Some insist Hamas cannot govern; others insist Gaza cannot be governed without them. International legitimacy and local legitimacy are not always the same thing. Perhaps the path forward is a transitional body — inclusive enough to represent Palestinians, strong enough to prevent authoritarianism, and supported enough internationally to survive. Without such balance, governance may collapse again into violence.
Topic 3: Humanitarian Relief & Daily Life
Moderator: Antonio Guterres (UN Secretary-General)
Opening by Antonio Guterres
Beyond politics and weapons, the heart of this conflict is human suffering. In Gaza, families are struggling to survive with homes destroyed, hospitals overwhelmed, and children traumatized. Tonight, I ask each of you: how can the humanitarian crisis be addressed with urgency and dignity?
Question 1: What are the first essential services — hospitals, water, electricity, schools — that must be restored for daily survival?
Dr. Samira Khalil (Palestinian civil society leader)
The first priority is hospitals. Without functioning hospitals, every injury becomes a death sentence. After that, water — safe water to drink, to wash, to prevent disease. Electricity follows, because without it, hospitals, schools, and homes cannot function. Schools must reopen soon too, or we risk losing an entire generation to despair. Survival depends on these four pillars, and they must come together quickly.
Donald Trump
I’ll tell you straight: you need hospitals, water, and power up fast. The U.S. can help rebuild that infrastructure. But here’s the catch — it must be done under international supervision, not by Hamas. If aid is stolen or diverted to weapons, the people will suffer again. We’ll bring in top engineers, maybe from Egypt and other countries. That’s how you restore services quickly and fairly.
Jan Egeland (humanitarian leader)
I agree, but I would add one thing: mental health services. Trauma is invisible, but it eats away at children’s futures. Hospitals, water, and electricity are urgent, yes. But psychosocial support for children and families must start immediately. Otherwise, we rebuild buildings but leave broken people inside them.
Khaled al-Haddad (Hamas political figure)
You speak as if Gaza has no capacity of its own. We have engineers, doctors, and teachers. What we need is freedom to rebuild, not foreign control. The blockade must end so we can bring in materials ourselves. If international aid comes, fine — but it must respect our people’s right to lead our own recovery.
Amos Yadin (Israeli strategist)
From Israel’s perspective, water and electricity are critical because they reduce disease and instability, which spill over borders. But these must be tied to safeguards: no dual-use materials for rockets or tunnels. Services must be restored, but in a way that prevents Hamas from exploiting them for military gain.
Question 2: Who should control the flow of aid to ensure it reaches civilians rather than being diverted?
Donald Trump
The aid must be controlled by an international coalition — the U.S., the UN, Egypt, maybe the Gulf states. Hamas cannot be trusted. If aid goes through Hamas, you’ll see rockets instead of rice. We need clear oversight, tough auditing, and consequences if aid is stolen. That’s how you make sure it reaches the people.
Khaled al-Haddad
This is unacceptable. When you say Hamas cannot be trusted, you insult the people who elected us. If aid bypasses us completely, you create parallel authorities and weaken our legitimacy. The solution is joint control — Palestinian authorities, international agencies, and local NGOs together. That way, aid flows, but sovereignty is not erased.
Jan Egeland
We have seen aid diverted in many conflicts, not just Gaza. The answer is transparency. Aid distribution should be monitored by independent agencies with local staff. The people must see where every bag of flour and every liter of fuel goes. That is the only way to build trust.
Amos Yadin
Israel insists on strict monitoring, because we know from bitter experience that aid materials have been diverted to build tunnels and rockets. We support aid to civilians — but only if every truck, every container, is inspected. It may feel humiliating, but it is the only way to prevent a repeat of the past.
Dr. Samira Khalil
The people are tired of being treated as suspects. If aid only comes under the shadow of suspicion, it breeds resentment. I suggest local community councils — doctors, teachers, neighborhood representatives — should play a role in monitoring aid alongside international agencies. When people see their neighbors managing aid, they trust it more.
Question 3: How can the psychological trauma of war, especially among children, be addressed alongside physical reconstruction?
Jan Egeland
This is perhaps the most urgent question of all. Children in Gaza have seen horrors no child should ever witness. We must train teachers, counselors, and community leaders in trauma care. Safe spaces for play, art, and learning must be prioritized alongside bricks and mortar. Healing the mind is as important as healing the body.
Donald Trump
I agree children need help, but here’s the reality: if rockets start flying again, no therapy in the world can fix that. First, we need security. Then, America and others can fund schools, sports programs, and clinics to help kids recover. But without peace, the trauma keeps repeating.
Dr. Samira Khalil
Children need more than just classrooms. They need to feel safe. That means no drones buzzing overhead, no explosions in the night. Trauma cannot heal in a cage of fear. International organizations can help, yes — but the biggest healer is freedom.
Khaled al-Haddad
We welcome programs for children, but let us not ignore the cause of their trauma: occupation, blockade, and bombardment. Addressing trauma means ending the root violence. Counseling is important, but justice is the real therapy. Without justice, trauma is renewed generation after generation.
Amos Yadin
I must disagree partly. Justice is complex, but what children need immediately is stability. If Gaza’s leaders prevent attacks on Israel, then Israel will have no reason to strike. Stability creates the space for healing. Without security, trauma will remain the common language of children on both sides.
Closing by Antonio Guterres
We have heard clear priorities: restore hospitals, water, electricity, and schools. But equally, ensure aid is not stolen and that children’s minds are healed, not just their buildings rebuilt. The divide remains — Hamas demands sovereignty, Israel demands security, the U.S. demands oversight, and civilians demand dignity. Yet there is also common ground: all agree that survival, trust, and healing must come first.
Topic 4: Economic Future & Opportunity
Moderator: Antonio Guterres (UN Secretary-General)
Opening by Antonio Guterres
A sustainable future for Gaza cannot depend on aid alone. The people need jobs, trade, and opportunities. But how can we build an economy in a place that has known so much destruction? Tonight, I ask each of you to imagine Gaza’s economic future — not only what must be avoided, but what can truly be created.
Question 1: How can Gaza move from dependence on aid to building a sustainable, self-sufficient economy?
Donald Trump
It starts with investment. Not charity, investment. If Gaza wants to move past aid, you need real businesses, trade deals, infrastructure projects. The U.S. can help bring in companies, maybe energy projects off the coast, maybe rebuilding ports. But here’s the condition: no terrorism. Nobody invests in chaos. Security first, then business. That’s the formula.
Dr. Samira Khalil (civil society leader)
For ordinary people, self-sufficiency begins with agriculture and small businesses. Our land can grow food; our people can produce crafts and services. If restrictions ease, we can trade with neighbors and earn our own living. Aid should help us build farms, factories, and schools, not keep us dependent.
Khaled al-Haddad (Hamas political figure)
Self-sufficiency requires sovereignty. We cannot build an economy if Israel controls our borders, our waters, and our skies. Lifting the blockade is the first step. After that, our people are resourceful; we can fish, farm, trade, and build. Without freedom of movement, any talk of a “self-sufficient economy” is an illusion.
Amos Yadin (Israeli strategist)
Israel cannot allow a free economy that fuels weapons production. But we can support carefully regulated industries. Agriculture, textiles, construction — these can flourish if materials are monitored. Israel benefits when Gaza is stable. A self-sufficient Gaza is possible, but only if it is demilitarized.
Jan Egeland (humanitarian leader)
Dependency is not just economic, it is psychological. To move beyond it, aid must shift from handouts to capacity-building. Programs that train young people, empower women, and support entrepreneurs are crucial. Gaza can become a hub of resilience — but only if the world treats it as more than a humanitarian warehouse.
Question 2: What role can regional states (Egypt, Gulf, EU) realistically play in financing and opening trade opportunities for Gaza?
Khaled al-Haddad
Regional states are natural partners. Egypt shares our border; Qatar and other Gulf nations have already invested. If the blockade is lifted, these countries can finance ports, airports, and factories. But they will not do so if every project is vetoed or bombed by Israel. We need guarantees that investments will not be destroyed.
Donald Trump
The Gulf states have money — a lot of it. They can put up billions for Gaza, no problem. But they’ll only do it if Hamas behaves. If there’s violence, they’ll walk away. I can tell you, some of them want to invest, but they want to see peace first. The EU can also help, but again, only if Gaza proves it can be safe.
Jan Egeland
Regional partners must not only finance, but also open markets. Gaza cannot thrive if its goods cannot leave. Egypt could expand trade routes through Rafah. The EU could provide preferential trade agreements for Gaza-made products. Money is important, but access is just as critical.
Amos Yadin
Israel is cautious about outside financing, because funds have sometimes gone to tunnels or weapons. But with strict oversight, regional investment could stabilize Gaza. The EU could provide frameworks of accountability. The Gulf can provide money. Egypt can provide the gateway. Together, this can work — but only if tied to security guarantees.
Dr. Samira Khalil
I urge regional states to think beyond politics. Gaza’s young people are talented; they need scholarships, training, and exchanges. Investments in human capital may be more transformative than investments in buildings. Egypt, the Gulf, and Europe can give our youth opportunities to see the world and return with skills.
Question 3: What balance between open trade and security restrictions could allow Gaza’s economy to thrive without threatening Israel’s safety?
Amos Yadin
This is the core challenge. Israel cannot simply open the gates and hope for the best. We need a system of controlled openness: trade corridors monitored by international inspectors, ports operated under joint supervision, and materials carefully tracked. Open trade, yes — but under strict safeguards.
Donald Trump
I agree. You can have trade, but it has to be smart trade. High-tech monitoring, scanning every shipment, sealing off smuggling tunnels. The U.S. can help set up that system. Israel stays safe, Gaza gets to sell its goods. It’s a win-win, but only if enforced hard.
Dr. Samira Khalil
Security restrictions are understandable, but too often they choke our daily life. A fisherman who cannot sail, a farmer who cannot export — these people are not a threat. Trade should be open by default, restricted only when there is evidence of danger. Otherwise, restrictions punish the innocent more than they protect the neighbor.
Khaled al-Haddad
We reject the idea that our economy must always be subject to another’s permission. True prosperity requires freedom of trade, not conditional handouts. That said, we understand concerns. We would accept international supervision if it is fair — but not if it makes Gaza a permanent prisoner.
Jan Egeland
The best balance is trust-building. If Gaza’s trade produces schools instead of rockets, Israel’s fears will ease. If Israel allows more freedom and sees that security is not harmed, restrictions can gradually loosen. Balance must be dynamic, evolving as trust is built.
Closing by Antonio Guterres
We hear clearly the tension: Gaza longs for freedom to trade and build, Israel demands safeguards, the U.S. insists on enforcement, and regional states hold resources that could transform the economy. Yet common ground exists — all recognize that prosperity is the only path to lasting stability. The challenge is to weave freedom, investment, and security into a framework that does not collapse at the first sign of mistrust.
Topic 5: Long-Term Peace & Coexistence
Moderator: Antonio Guterres (UN Secretary-General)
Opening by Antonio Guterres
Peace is not only a ceasefire; it is the daily life of neighbors who no longer fear each other. Tonight we ask the hardest question: what does coexistence between Israelis and Palestinians really look like, and who will build it?
Question 1: What does genuine coexistence between Israelis and Palestinians look like in everyday life?
Dr. Samira Khalil (Palestinian civil society leader)
For us, coexistence is when my children can go to school without hearing bombs, and when Israeli children can go to bed without sirens. It is when we meet as neighbors, not enemies — doctors cooperating across borders, students visiting each other’s universities. Coexistence is not abstract; it is daily life without fear.
Donald Trump
Coexistence means respect. Israel has the right to exist, Palestinians have the right to live free. It’s about building partnerships — trade, tourism, education. Imagine families crossing borders to shop, work, and study without checkpoints and rockets. That’s real coexistence. Strong borders, fair deals, and mutual respect — that’s how you make it work.
Khaled al-Haddad (Hamas political figure)
Coexistence cannot mean surrender. It means both peoples live with dignity, not one dominating the other. For Palestinians, that means freedom from occupation. For Israelis, that means security from attack. True coexistence is equality — no walls, no blockades, no second-class citizens.
Amos Yadin (Israeli strategist)
Coexistence must be rooted in security. Israelis will not believe in coexistence if rockets continue. But if Gaza is stable, then trade, cultural exchanges, and cooperation can grow. Imagine medical teams from Gaza and Israel working together, or businesses across the border employing both peoples. It is possible — but only after security is real.
Jan Egeland (humanitarian leader)
Coexistence is when children no longer learn hatred as their first language. It is when textbooks teach peace, when leaders shake hands instead of fists. It is fragile, but it begins with small acts — joint schools, joint projects, families breaking bread together. Peace lives in the ordinary.
Question 2: What mechanisms — treaties, cultural exchanges, or shared institutions — could lock in peace for the long term?
Donald Trump
The best mechanism is a strong treaty, backed by U.S. power. You need a binding deal, with clear red lines. If Hamas fires a rocket, the deal is broken, consequences follow. If Israel violates terms, same thing. Peace must be enforceable. But beyond treaties, cultural exchanges are important too — sports, education, tourism. That builds real bonds.
Dr. Samira Khalil
I believe in shared institutions. Joint hospitals, joint water councils, joint trade boards. When our futures are tied together in daily governance, peace becomes natural. Treaties can fail, but shared institutions create habits of cooperation.
Amos Yadin
Treaties are necessary but insufficient. Israelis need to see tangible benefits of peace — safer borders, thriving trade. Palestinians need to see dignity. Shared infrastructure projects, like energy grids or desalination plants, can lock us into cooperation. When we rely on each other for survival, peace becomes too valuable to break.
Khaled al-Haddad
We must be careful. Shared institutions cannot be imposed as tools of control. They must be partnerships of equals. Otherwise, they create resentment, not peace. A treaty must guarantee equality first, then cultural and institutional cooperation can grow.
Jan Egeland
Peace must be rooted in people-to-people contact. Cultural exchanges — youth programs, art, sports — often succeed where treaties fail. Long-term peace is locked in when the next generation knows each other as human beings, not enemies.
Question 3: Who should lead the reconciliation process: politicians, community leaders, or faith leaders?
Amos Yadin
Politicians must lead on security and treaties, but reconciliation cannot be left to them alone. Community leaders and educators must play a central role. Faith leaders also have power to bridge divides, reminding both peoples that God values every human life. It must be a coalition of leadership.
Khaled al-Haddad
Reconciliation must be led by the people themselves. Politicians often use reconciliation as a slogan. Real healing happens in communities, mosques, churches, and schools. Faith leaders can inspire forgiveness, but it is the people who must live it.
Donald Trump
Politicians have to lead, because they sign the deals and enforce them. But they must also empower faith leaders and community leaders to support the process. It’s like building a house — the politicians lay the foundation, the community builds the walls, and the faith leaders add the roof of values.
Jan Egeland
I believe reconciliation starts from the ground up. Families, teachers, doctors, neighbors — they carry the work of healing. Politicians can sign papers, but only communities can teach forgiveness. Faith leaders can play a symbolic role, but without community engagement, reconciliation is hollow.
Dr. Samira Khalil
For Palestinians, reconciliation must come from those who suffered most — the mothers who lost children, the families who lost homes. Their voices are powerful. If they can forgive, the world can change. Politicians and faith leaders should listen to them, not dictate to them.
Closing by Antonio Guterres
What we heard tonight shows that peace is not one path but many: treaties and trade, schools and culture, politicians and people. Coexistence requires dignity, security, equality, and trust. It is fragile, but not impossible. If those who carry the deepest wounds can imagine reconciliation, then leaders must summon the courage to follow.
Final Thoughts by Donald Trump
After hearing these discussions, I believe the path is clear. Gaza stands at a crossroads: one road leads back to violence, poverty, and endless war; the other leads to prosperity, dignity, and peace.
Security must come first — without it, nothing lasts. But security alone is not enough. People need hope, they need opportunities, they need to believe tomorrow can be better than today. That’s why we must combine strength with vision: strong enforcement against terror, and strong investment in the future.
Hamas has to decide: will they cling to weapons, or will they accept a deal that gives their people a future? If they disarm, if they agree to peace, then Gaza can rise. If not, the world will step in, and it won’t be pretty.
I’ve always said deals are about leverage. Right now, the people of Gaza have leverage — the chance to change their future forever. I urge them: take it. Because real peace, lasting peace, is not just possible — it’s within reach. And if we do this right, history will remember it as one of the greatest turnarounds of all time.
Short Bios:
Donald J. Trump
The 47th President of the United States (2025), known for his deal-making approach, emphasis on strong security, and willingness to use direct pressure in international conflicts.
Khaled al-Haddad (fictional Hamas political figure)
A composite character representing senior Hamas leadership, voicing the movement’s perspective on governance, security, and Palestinian sovereignty.
Dr. Samira Khalil
A fictional Palestinian pediatrician and civil society leader from Gaza City, symbolizing the voice of ordinary citizens, humanitarian needs, and the struggles of daily life.
Amos Yadin
A retired Israeli brigadier general and former head of military intelligence, recognized for his expertise on national security, defense policy, and Israel’s regional strategy.
Jan Egeland
Secretary General of the Norwegian Refugee Council, long-time humanitarian leader, and former UN humanitarian coordinator, known for his advocacy for civilian protection and human dignity in war zones.
Antonio Guterres
Secretary-General of the United Nations since 2017, former Prime Minister of Portugal, serving as moderator of these talks and emphasizing diplomacy, multilateral solutions, and humanitarian priorities.
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